Investigative Report
What They Knew; When They Knew It
Posted May 27, 2002 By
Kenneth R. Timmerman
Media
Credit: Larry Downing/Reuters
Democrats
Daschle and Gephardt complained about Bush
but not Clinton. Rep. Curt Weldon (R-Pa.)
revealed U.S. Special Forces identified the
al-Qaeda network and had a plan to wipe out
the cells two years ago. But DoD brass shied
from implementing the project. Weldon calls
for investigating all early warnings.
A fountainhead of new
clues to the Sept. 11 attacks and the far-flung
international network that spawned them is becoming
public, apparently fed by heavily partisan cries of a
massive intelligence failure on the part of the Bush
administration. Democrats on Capitol Hill, led by Senate
Majority Leader Tom Daschle (D-S.D.), are demanding
creation of a special investigation to determine
possible Bush-administration misfeasance.
The alleged smoking gun was a July 10 memo from FBI
Special Agent Kenneth Williams in Phoenix to FBI
headquarters in Washington urging the bureau to launch a
nationwide investigation after he had identified Middle
Eastern men he believed might be tied to a terrorist
group undergoing training at a local flight school. A
congressional source who has seen the memo tells
Insight: "This was as actionable a memo as could have
been written by anyone." It required action.
But the FBI admitted last week that the Williams memo
never made it past midlevel managers, who claimed they
lacked the resources to implement the agent's
far-reaching recommendations. It was not passed on to
the National Security Council, the CIA or even top FBI
officials. Robert Mueller, President George W. Bush's
pick to succeed outgoing FBI Director Louis Freeh, had
only taken the reins of the bureau a week before the
attacks.
In fact, the White House now has revealed that its
Counterterrorism Security Group (CSG), which brought
together White House officials with those from all
relevant federal agencies, began meeting several times a
week within months after Bush took office and issued no
fewer than five separate Federal Aviation Administration
(FAA) Information Circulars to alert private air
carriers to various potential terrorist threats:
On June 22, 2001, the FAA alerted carriers to a
possible hijacking aimed at pressuring the government
to free terrorists then sitting in U.S. jails.
On July 2, the FAA warned of a possible attempt to
place a bomb at a major airport terminal, based on the
testimony of millennium bomber Ahmed Ressam. His plot
to bomb Los Angeles International Airport was foiled
in December 1999 by an alert U.S. Customs official who
arrested Ressam at the Canadian border as he tried to
enter the United States (see "Canadian Border Open to
Terrorists," Dec. 17, 2001).
On July 18, the FAA issued a "general alert"
urging all carriers to maintain a high degree of
alertness, but disclaiming knowledge of any specific
threat. At that time, National Security Adviser
Condoleezza Rice told reporters in a televised
briefing, "Contingency planning was done on how to
deal with multiple, simultaneous attacks around the
world," because that's where the intelligence
suggested the attacks would occur, not in the United
States. Buttressing that impression, Rice revealed
that "the CIA ... managed through these intelligence
activities and liaison activities to disrupt attacks
in Paris, Turkey and Rome."
On July 31, the FAA warned that intelligence
reports suggested that known (but unnamed) terrorist
groups were actively training to conduct hijacking
operations.
On Aug. 16, the FAA warned air carriers to be on
the alert for passengers attempting to board with
disguised weapons in support of a hijacking attempt.
The concern, Rice said, was "that the terrorists had
made breakthroughs in cell phones, key chains and pens
as weapons."
Furthermore, we now know that when the president was
given a detailed intelligence briefing on potential
terrorist threats on Aug. 6, the analysts mentioned that
Osama bin Laden's al-Qaeda network was believed to be
considering a possible hijacking operation. Rice and
other White House officials say the analysts ran through
the scenario of a hijacking in which passengers would be
held hostage to force the release of terrorist
operatives and their "spiritual leader," blind Sheik
Omar Abdel-Rahman, who was convicted in 1994 of plotting
to blow up the Lincoln and Holland tunnels in New York
City. Intelligence on the blind sheik's ties to bin
Laden also was becoming more solid, law-enforcement
sources tell Insight, making such a scenario all the
more likely.
And yet, reporters and Democrats from House Minority
Leader Dick Gephardt of Missouri to Daschle and Sen.
Hillary Rodham Clinton of New York continued to claim
there had been an intelligence failure and a lack of
judgment on the part of the administration because
"clear warnings" of suicide hijackings had gone
unheeded.
Any such warnings, while fascinating in hindsight, were
dismissed by U.S. and foreign-intelligence agencies as
far-fetched and improbable. As Rice put it, "There was
no time, there was no place, there was no method of
attack" contained in any of the specific recent
intelligence. "It simply said, 'These are people who
train and seem to talk possibly about hijackings.' That
you would have risked shutting down the American
civil-aviation system with such generalized information
I think you would have had to think five, six, seven
times about that very, very hard."
As a congressional source with access to the
intelligence briefings tells Insight, anyone suggesting
such a dramatic response to a nonspecific threat "would
have been carted off in a straitjacket."
The raw data pouring into the system from local law
enforcement, federal criminal investigations, overseas
intelligence probes, satellite surveillance and
communications intercepts in half a dozen foreign
languages became an information overload, not an
intelligence gold mine. "There was so much of it," noted
one informed observer, "it was like trying to sip from a
fire hose."
Nowhere has there been more tantalizing details of
missed investigative leads than in the Philippines. In
early January 1995, the Philippines police captured
Abdul Hakim Murad after a fire in a Manila apartment he
shared with wanted terrorist Ramzi Yousef the
mastermind behind the 1993 World Trade Center bombing
attracted the attention of neighbors and local police.
Police also seized Yousef's laptop computer, which
contained an encrypted address book and detailed plans
of a plot to hijack 12 U.S. jetliners over the Pacific
Ocean and crash them into U.S. airports. Yousef fled
after the fire to Pakistan, where he was arrested in
February 1995 by U.S. and Pakistani law-enforcement
officials and flown back to this country to face trial.
The plot, known as "Project Bojinka" (bojinka is Serbo-Croat
for "big bang"), was an elaborate scheme involving only
a handful of bombers who were supposed to place
explosives onboard the aircraft then change planes and
do it again. On Yousef's white Toshiba laptop were
delayed-timer settings for each flight, varying from 13
to 25 hours, depending on the flight time and
destination. Prosecutors alleged that Yousef and his
coconspirators, Murad and Wali Khan Amin Shah, "would
have killed 4,000 in planes flying to Los Angeles, San
Francisco, Honolulu and New York" had they succeeded.
Just two days after the Sept. 11 attacks, Philippines
Chief Police Superintendent Avelino Razon told reporters
there was "too much coincidence" between Sept. 11 and
Bojinka, especially since the attacks came just one week
after the anniversary of Yousef's conviction for the
Bojinka plot on Sept. 5, 1996.
But what caught Razon's attention and has fired up
"gotcha" journalists was the fact that Bojinka
included a second, much less publicized phase to hijack
an airliner and crash it into a large U.S. government
building, such as CIA headquarters in Langley, Va.
Insight has obtained copies of the original
Philippines-police interrogation of Murad (a report
code-named Blue Marlin) in which he detailed his own
training as a pilot at more than a half-dozen U.S.
flight schools, along with other Middle Eastern and
Pakistani men. He began at the Alfa-Tango Flying School
in San Antonio in 1990, then transferred to Richmore
Aviation in Schenectady, N.Y., and subsequently to Coast
Aviation Flying School in New Bern, N.C. Ultimately, he
was certified by the FAA to fly small propeller
aircraft.
As Murad's interrogation continued into February and
early March 1995, he began telling police more about
Project Bojinka. "With regards in [sic] their plan to
dive-crash a commercial aircraft at the CIA headquarters
in Virginia, subject alleged that the idea of doing more
came out during his casual conversation with Abdul Basit
[Yousef] and there is no specific plan yet for its
execution," according to Blue Marlin. "What the subject
have [sic] in his mind is that he will board any
American commercial aircraft pretending to be an
ordinary passenger. Then he will hijack said aircraft,
control its cockpit and dive it at the CIA headquarters.
There will be no bomb or any explosive that he will use
in its execution. It is simply a suicidal mission that
he is very much willing to execute. That all he need is
to be able to board the aircraft with a pistol so that
he could execute the hijacking."
There in a nutshell was the Sept. 11 plot, laid out in
detail in the Blue Marlin file fully seven years
earlier.
So, was the U.S. intelligence community asleep? Not
entirely. As Fox News and the Associated Press reported
in March, FBI officials took Blue Marlin and ran with
it, visiting each of the flight schools Murad had
mentioned and interrogating all the Middle Eastern men
he had named, "but did not find evidence that any Middle
Easterners other than Murad were plotting anything. With
no other evidence to go on, they took no further
action," officials said.
The potential intelligence failure lies elsewhere. Once
the Philippines police had finished with him at the end
of March 1995, Murad was brought to the Metropolitan
Correctional Center in New York to await trial on the
Bojinka plot. A scant two weeks after his arrival in the
United States, Murad was listening to the radio when a
news report came on the air announcing that the Alfred
P. Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City had been
bombed. Lt. Philip Rojas, a prison guard, asked Murad
what he thought and found his response so startling that
he informed his superiors. They, in turn, called the
FBI.
Special Agents Francis J. Pellegrino and Brian G. Parr
arrived later that morning, within hours after the
Oklahoma City blast. "Murad responded to the guard's
question by stating that the Liberation Army was
responsible for the bombing," they reported in a witness
report (No. 302). "A short time later, Murad passed a
note to the guard, again claiming that the Liberation
Army was responsible for the bombing in Oklahoma City."
What was the mysterious Liberation Army? A Philippines
government agent, Edwin Angeles, who came in from the
cold in 1995 and turned state's evidence against Yousef
and the Abu Sayyaf terrorist group, told his police
handlers that it was the "Palestine Liberation Army
and/or the Islamic Jihad" (see "Iraqi Connection to
Oklahoma Bombing," April 29). But in the Blue Marlin
file Murad calls it a "fictitious organization" used as
a code by Yousef and his terrorist colleagues "whenever
they are making announcements" of responsibility for
terrorist attacks.
In late 1994, Murad claimed that Yousef gave him a text
he was to phone into the U.S. Embassy in Oman once the
planned bombing in New York City was announced. "This is
A1168 of the Liberation Army. We are claiming
responsibility over the bombing of the underground
railroad in New York," the text read, a reference to the
plot to bomb the Lincoln and Holland tunnels, which led
to the conviction of Sheik Omar.
Additional circumstantial evidence linking Yousef to the
Oklahoma City bombing which occurred two months after
he was arrested in Pakistan and brought to the United
States for trial is beginning to emerge as well.
FBI forensic experts found that the huge Oklahoma City
bomb, which was made from fertilizer and diesel fuel,
was distinctive. In the FBI database that contains the
profile and composition of some 73,000 explosions, they
found only two other bombs of the same type. Both had
been made by Yousef.
The first was the bomb that killed six people at the
World Trade Center in February 1993. The second was
discovered by police on March 11, 1994, after an aborted
effort to blow up the Israeli Embassy in Bangkok,
Thailand.
Angeles and his widow both have stated that Yousef met
in the Philippines with convicted Oklahoma City bomber
Terry Nichols prior to the bombing. In fact, Insight now
has learned Yousef may have had additional contacts with
Nichols after placing a bomb onboard Philippines Airline
Flight 434 that killed a Japanese passenger on Dec. 11,
1994 an attack federal prosecutors in Chicago are
calling a "test run" for Project Bojinka. After placing
the bomb, Yousef disembarked at Cebu City, where Terry
Nichols then was residing.
Nichols had left an unusual sealed letter in the United
States with his former wife before traveling to the
Philippines (which he did regularly), to be opened in
the event of his death. Investigators working with
Oklahoma City attorney Mike Johnston, who is suing the
government of Iraq for alleged involvement in the
Oklahoma City bombing, believe Yousef had recruited
Nichols to take part in the Bojinka plot. Once Yousef
fled the Philippines after setting fire to his apartment
while mixing explosives, Nichols broke his excursion
ticket and booked a one-way return flight to the United
States on Jan. 17, 1995.
Federal prosecutors in Chicago have tied Yousef to al-Qaeda
through his contacts with bin Laden's brother-in-law,
Mohammad Khalifa. In an affidavit filed with federal
Magistrate Ian Levin in the Eastern District of Illinois
on April 29, the FBI links Khalifa, Yousef and the
Bojinka plot to a series of U.S.-based Islamic charities
tied to the Benevolence International Foundation (BIF),
whose premises were raided and whose assets were seized
by federal authorities in April.
As prosecutors trace these links further, they are
stumbling onto a web of U.S.-based Islamic "charities"
that not only raised money for bin Laden and his
terrorist operations, but have provided money to
terrorist activities in the West Bank, Gaza, Israel,
Bosnia, Chechnya and elsewhere (see "Documents Detail
Saudi Terror Links," June 10).
Steve Pomerantz, a former assistant FBI director who
retired in 1995, tells Insight that terrorist
sympathizers hiding behind a veil of "civil liberties"
severely have hampered the ability of law enforcement to
investigate Muslim charities and others suspected of
operating as front groups for terrorist organizations.
"An aura of extreme caution has influenced the FBI in
recent years in the collection of intelligence for fear
of being accused of bigotry and violating people's
legitimate rights," says Pomerantz. "These foreign-born
organizations have covered themselves in a mantle of
religion and legitimate civil rights. And they have
gained significant political support."
Kenneth R. Timmerman is a senior writer for
Insight magazine.